The Journal of Regional Security Special Collections is a curated thematic section that brings together selected articles from previous issues of the Journal of Regional Security into one easily accessible “virtual issue.” Designed as a dynamic reference point for readers, it gathers the most relevant scholarship on pressing contemporary security themes in a single place, making it easier to navigate the journal’s rich archive. Current collections include Crises and Conflicts, Theory, European Security, Western Balkans, Global Security, Security and Society, and Security and Development. In particular, the Security and Society collection brings together articles that explore the complex interplay among security, identities, institutions, inequalities, migration, radicalisation, public discourse, and broader societal transformations that shape perceptions, practices, and experiences of security in contemporary contexts.
“Between trauma and transformation: Serbia’s evolving attachment to Kosovo” by Ramet, Sabrina P., and Altug Günal. Journal of Regional Security 20 (2): 329-52 (2025).
Abstract: Serbia’s policy regarding Kosovo is constrained and bounded by decades of propaganda, which have stoked constructed memories of the past so that Serbs think of the Battle of Kosovo of 1389 as a hugely important historical event and experience collective political trauma when they reflect on the loss of Kosovo. Thus, although more than 90% of the population of Kosovo is Albanian and want to maintain the independence of their Republic, against a mere 2.3% that are Serbs (according to the 2024 census in Kosovo), the Serbian political establishment has continued to insist that Serbia has an “eternal” right to rule Kosovo. The Kosovo myth, in which the 1389 Battle of Kosovo is just one component, albeit the central symbolic one in inter-generationally transmitted trauma, is both limiting and, for the regime, empowering, insofar as it promotes a degree of political homogenization, thereby constraining the political opposition. However, while some commentators write as if Serbs thought alike when it comes to Kosovo, survey data show a different picture, confirming that some Serbs are against this dominant narrative, and may even agree with articulate liberal advocates of recognition of Kosovo’s independence and promote a reassessment of the dominant narrative. The latter’s alternative narrative opens the possibility for Serbia to chart a different political course in the future.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs20-56992.
“Contextualizing institutional approaches to radicalization in the Balkans, Middle East and North Africa” by Kapidžić, Damir, Muamer Hirkić, and Sead Turčalo, Journal of Regional Security 20 (1): 5-22 (2025).
Abstract: This article introduces the special issue that explores the impact of institutions on radicalization and violent extremism (VE) in the Balkans and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. It sets a common theoretical framework based on new institutionalism, and defines how norms, rules, practices, and relationships within and between institutional actors shape political and policymaking behaviors. Seven potential drivers of radicalization that will be considered throughout all case studies in the special issue are introduced. Through a comparative and contextual approach, all papers examine these seven drivers that include territorial inequalities, economic deprivation, political ideas, cultural factors, religion, digital literacy, and transnational dynamics, in relation to institutional practices and interactions. The analytical framework defines a common research methodology that is based on interviews and focus groups with representatives of various types of institutions, including state institutions, civil society organizations, international organizations, religious institutions, and media outlets. The findings in this article broaden traditional perspectives of VE by highlighting country-specific and complex forms of institutional practices and interactions, as well as by contrasting perceptions of drivers in different geographical and institutional contexts.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs20-43737
“Influence of drivers of radicalism and violent extremism at macro and meso levels: The case of Kosovo” by Peci, Lulzim, Journal of Regional Security 20 (1): 23-48 (2025).
Abstract: This paper analyses the influence of drivers of radicalism and violent extremism on the macro and meso-level in Kosovo, as well as the prevention indicators. The findings demonstrate that the primary catalyst for radicalism and violent extremism in Kosovo is rooted in religious (mis)interpretations. This driver is intricately linked with the influences of digital socialization and transnational dynamics. Conversely, other drivers have relatively minor effects. Regarding prevention measures of radicalism and violent extremism, the research suggests maintaining the secular foundations vital to Kosovo’s and Albanian ethnic identity and enhancing education, knowledge, employment opportunities, and social welfare systems play a pivotal role in fortifying societal resilience and preventing radicalization. Additional prevention measures encompass combatting political nepotism in the public sector and addressing urban-rural disparities to counteract radicalism and violent extremism. The study is methodically structured around nine focus groups involving individuals aged 12 to 30, along with 17 interviews conducted with representatives from Kosovo institutions, religious leaders, and experts, which is further supported by the analyses of secondary sources.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs20-44184
“Institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Friends or foes in the prevention of radicalization and violent extremism?” by Hirkić, Muamer, Damir Kapidžić, Sead Turčalo, Anida Dudić Sijamija, Veldin Kadić, Sarina Bakić, and Sanela Bašić, Journal of Regional Security 20 (1): 49-76 (2025).
Abstract: This paper examines how state institutions, civil society organizations, the media and international organizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) perceive and deal with the threat of radicalization and violent extremism. Drawing on the theory of institutional norms, rules, and practices, the paper explores the interactions and priorities of actors in different types of institutions in defining the drivers of radicalization. The paper provides a detailed analysis of the institutional context of BiH and the patterns of institutional interaction in the prevention of radicalism and violent extremism. The findings reveal that the concept of radicalisation and its drivers are understood differently by different institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Some institutions focus on political ideologies or radical religious interpretations, while others emphasise socio-economic factors or transnational influences. This shows that there is no consensus on which factors are most important. These results highlight the importance of considering specific drivers of radicalization and their interactions when developing strategies to counter and prevent violent extremism. The research is based on semi-structured interviews with individuals working in relevant institutions, including state institutions, civil society, media, and international organizations, as well as analysis of secondary and primary sources.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs20-44227
“Institutional Responses to Radicalization and Violent Extremism in North Macedonia (2017-2022)” by Georgieva, Lidija, Vlado Kambovski, Mujoska Trpevska Elena, and Naum Trajanovski, Journal of Regional Security 20 (1): 77-96 (2025).
Abstract: This article aims to test a preassigned set of drivers of radicalization and violent extremism (VE) at the macro-level of North Macedonia: that is, institutions and institutional responses. The drivers are developed by the H2020: CONNEKT (Context of Violent Extremism in MENA and Balkan Societies) project team. The article dwells upon the new institutionalism theory and triangulates 22 expert interviews with a close reading of the official documents and specialized reports about the state. Drawing upon those materials, we discuss the policy shift towards several of the so-called non-traditional drivers of radicalization and VE. Ultimately, the expert interviews showcased that the latest preventing and countering violent extremism (PCVE) policy changes in North Macedonia suffer from a lack of consensual understanding of the main operational categories and a weak efficiency and implementation of both the national strategy and the relevant action plans.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs20-43731
“Macro-level drivers of violent extremism in Tunisia through new institutionalism” by Chirchi, Tasnim, and Khaoula Ghribi, Journal of Regional Security 20 (1): 97-122 (2025).
Abstract: Using a NEO-institutionalist approach, this article analyzes state-institutional dynamics and practices influencing radicalization and violent extremism (VE) in Tunisia in the context of political transformation after 2011. Focusing on macro-level analysis, it highlights institutional limitations such as slow innovation, poor coordination, and resistance to change. A key finding is the persistent triangular dynamic of regional disparities, socio-economic grievances, and unequal development at the heart of a failing long-standing governance-development model, fueling frustration especially among youths. Violent extremist narratives exploit these vulnerabilities, while moderate counter-narratives remain weak. The predominance of security-focused responses fails to address root causes, emphasizing the need for inclusive, preventive policies co-designed with communities and civil society. Effective VE prevention requires improved institutional coordination and engagement in in-depth consultation with all relevant stakeholders.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs20-43791
“”Combating” Violent Radicalism in the Moroccan Context: When the State Monopolizes the Religious” by Er Rifaiy, Amina, and Khalid Mouna, Journal of Regional Security 20 (1): 123-42 (2025).
Abstract: Since the 2003 attacks in Casablanca, the Moroccan state has embarked on a new strategy to guarantee national security from any violent threat. The implementation of these strategies has required the involvement of actors from different fields: political, religious, economic and human rights promoters. A range of studies has also been conducted on Salafist movements to present an explanation of “terrorism and violent extremism”. Our research is based on another political framework. We will present an analysis of the discourse of different state actors and decision-makers in Morocco with whom we conducted in-depth interviews, to analyze the different strategies that Morocco has found to fight and combat violent extremism (VE). It is about analyzing the political and religious storytelling of this new strategy led by the state and how the latter monopolizes this issue. Our research presents a new sociological reflection around the implementation of political strategy on the VE on the one hand, and the ability to access a “sensitive” field of research despite the difficulties of this work. The results presented in this article pave the way for sociologists to open up other new questions related to VE, namely, the reintegration of “ex-radicals” and prevention against the phenomenon.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs20-57666
“The complexities in Jordan’s institutional response to violent extremism” by Bondokji, Neven, Barik Mhadeen, Aisha Bint Faisal, and Jadranka Štikovac Clark, Journal of Regional Security 20 (1): 143-76 (2025).
Abstract: Violent Extremism (VE) in Jordan is mainly driven by structural factors on the community rather than individual level. This necessitates a multi-faceted services-oriented institutional response to VE. Instead, Jordan’s response is marked by heavy securitization and a misplaced emphasis on religion as a driver of VE. To understand how and why these two characteristics have evolved, this article examines the effect of functional pressures, veto-powers, and the relation between trust and legitimacy through historical institutionalism. Building on insights from 25 interviews with government officials and non-governmental actors, the article argues that Jordan should reduce the veto-powers of security actors, encourage higher internal adaptability, and design Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE) policies that address structural drivers of VE for Jordan’s institutional response to VE to succeed.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs20-43779
“Beyond securitizing radicalization and violent extremism: Key findings from the Balkans and the MENA region” by Pollozhani, Lura, and Florian Bieber, Journal of Regional Security 20 (1): 177-94 (2025).
Abstract: This conclusion to the special issue analyzes the findings of six country studies in the Balkans and MENA region, which investigate the drivers behind radicalization and violent extremism among youth in this region. The country studies in this special issue focus on a macro-level approach, highlighting the institutional approaches to the prevention of these phenomena. The macro-level findings reveal several trends that also correspond to research in the field, including the securitized approach that states adopt in preventing radicalization and violent extremism, as well as the focus on Islam as the ideological background of such tendencies. The conclusion also engages with the innovative aspects of the country studies, including the emphasis on the contexts of radicalization and violent extremism, which are analyzed through the use of the seven drivers, as well as the cases of right-wing radicalization. Lastly, the conclusion reflects on the synergies between the country studies and the literature on violent extremism, highlighting new areas of research and interconnections with other theoretical traditions, such as investigations of masculinity and new methods of radicalization.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs20-43804
“Extreme moderates: Understanding low levels of violent extremism in Bosnia-Herzegovina” by Pehlivanović, Šejla, Journal of Regional Security 19 (2): 131-57 (2024).
Abstract: How can low levels of violent extremism in enabling environments be explained? The post-war history of Bosnia-Herzegovina has been marked by prolonged political crises, economic instability, and precarious security for citizens. The combination of a relatively young, unstable democracy and social grievances creates fertile soil for different forms of radicalization and the proliferation of various extremist ideologies. This has, in turn, allowed extra-institutional groups to challenge formal institutions. Despite this, there have been few violent extremist attacks, and those that have been carried out were small-scale and failed to expose any deep reservoir of violent extremism. What, then, does this deviant case reveal? Utilizing social movement theory and political opportunity structures, this article explores how structural conditions in the political and discursive space of Bosnia-Herzegovina affect the protest repertoires of extremist movements. Two main arguments are put forward. First, extra-institutional groups must be understood as rational actors with broader claims that exceed the use of violence. Second, distinguishing between radicalization that links to violent extremism and radicalization that aims to initiate societal change through non-violent means can help us better understand the dynamics behind societal change in fragile environments.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs19-41176
“Scarcity and instability: Transforming societies through equitable distribution mechanisms” by Patel, Jaynisha, and Amanda Lucey, Journal of Regional Security 19 (1): 29-57 (2024).
Abstract: Under the framework of SDG 16, namely Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions, one key underexplored area of inclusion relates to the means of ensuring access to justice through the equitable governance of scarce resources, and mechanisms to promote equal and structural access to opportunities across society. This research sets out to answer the following questions across three case studies: (1) What is the relationship between critical or scarce resources and political conflict in the region under study?; (2) On what basis is the scarce or critical resource currently distributed within the region under study?; (3) What formal or informal governance mechanisms are in place to manage access to critical or scarce resources, and resolve conflicts created by it?; and (4) What improvements could be made to ensure more inclusive and equitable access to the distribution of this resource? The three proposed case studies, namely, Central Mali (land), Northeastern Kenya (water), and northern Mozambique (extraction and revenues of natural gas), have unique political and geographic features that are indivisible from peace and security. In each case, a blend of formal and informal mechanisms is used, but these often involve competing mandates, are guided by socioeconomic dynamics or are unenforced, potentially leading to different types of localised conflict. This paper argues that, in order to prevent conflict around the governance of natural resources, communities need to be involved in a blend of informal and formal governance mechanisms from the outset. While the exact nature of these governance mechanisms may differ according to the nature of the natural resource and its extraction, there is a need to move from top-down towards people-centred approaches. Moreover, there should be efforts to develop specific SDG 16 targets related to environmental governance.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs19-41648
“Images of (in)security: Visualizing borders, migrants and control in Serbia’s news media” by Krstić, Aleksandra, Journal of Regional Security 19 (1): 59-76 (2024).
Abstract: Media images of borders and their control have been one of the most dominant frames in reporting on the migrant crisis in European media and the negative coverage of the topic of migrants, presenting them as a threat to security and public health dominates media narratives around the world. This paper examines the way migrants and refugees have been portrayed on the borders of Serbia, a transit country alongside the Western Balkans migration corridor. The mixed method analysis is based on 300 images published in relevant national and regional print media and their online versions from 2015 until 2020. The results show that the visual depiction of walls, wires, control, law and order, modern technological equipment, security providers, and important political authorities have been often intensified with sensational headlines and tabloid coverage and at the same time confronted with images framing migrants as violent and deviant, threatening borders, people, and security.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs18-41755
“Semiotic games and domestic geopolitics: Estonian Russophones during the war in Ukraine” by Makarychev, Andrey, Journal of Regional Security 18 (1): 19-28 (2023).
Abstract: This contribution to the Forum analyzes narratives unfolding among Estonian Russian speakers who expose different attitudes towards the war in Ukraine. For this analysis the author selected several media platforms and public figures whose speaking positions are representative and typical for – and duly reflect – the entire spectrum of the current Russophone discourses in Estonia. The analysis singles out three distinct yet interconnected discursive positions that prominently feature in the Russophone milieu – pragmatic, popularly geopolitical and counter-normative.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs18-41781
“Europe’s Russia-friendly parties put to the test by Putin’s invasion of Ukraine” by Braghiroli, Stefano, Journal of Regional Security 18 (1): 29-38 (2023).
Abstract: Over the last decade, a number of non-mainstream European parties have cultivated friendly and mutually advantageous relations with the Russian political establishment. This phenomenon has been common to both the national conservative right and the radical left. This article critically discusses these parties’ adaptation to the new political context triggered by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and assesses their strategies and tactics to adapt to the new reality. The cases analysed include primarily Western European Russia-friendly political forces and the level of analysis focuses both on the domestic and supranational EU-level dynamics.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs18-41766
“(En)acting our experience: Combat veterans, veteranality, and building resilience to extremism” by Warner Charles, Oscar, Journal of Regional Security 17 (2): 267-92 (2022).
Abstract: Drawing from emerging arenas within (applied) anthropology and informed by ongoing ethnographic fieldwork alongside combat veterans in Southeast Europe, this paper follows indications that veterans and veteran organizations are potential enablers/maintainers of resilience to violent extremism within societies. This position builds from the recognition that veterans embody a unique capacity for resilience; a capacity generated by surviving combat and deepened as veterans encounter the struggles of life after service. Exploring this proposition of veteran contribution and collaboration suggests a (re)theorization of the veteran in society is required. In service of this (re)theorization, the concepts of “veteranality” and “critical veteranality” are introduced to signify and engage a social ontology representing the dynamics of the veteran life-world. In conclusion, it is argued that (re)theorization, ethnographic methodologies and anthropological engagement will guide how socio-political strategies countering extremism can be opened to veteran (en)acted experiences with resilience.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs17-35682
“How we have won the battle and lost the peace: Women, Peace and Security Agenda twenty years after” by Antonijević, Zorana, Journal of Regional Security 17 (1): 5-24 (2022).
Abstract: The Resolution “Women, Peace and Security” unanimously adopted by the United Nations Security Council in 2000 fundamentally transformed discursive practices of gender equality into the fields of security, post-conflict reconstruction and peace. The twentieth anniversary was an opportunity to critically examine its impact on the gender mainstreaming of conflict, security and peace. This special issue contributes to the feminist security studies by discussing the shortcomings in the implementation of UNSCR 1325 from several research fields, including intersectionality and masculinity perspectives. After presenting the rationale and scope of the special issue, this article discusses the gender and security policy framing of the WPS Agenda, intending to conceptualise gender equality through three perspectives: the perspective of equal treatment, the women’s perspective, and the gender perspective. In conclusion , the article summarises the key contributions of this special issue and suggests some avenues for further research.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs17-38120
“Localisation of the UNSCR 1325 Agenda: Lessons from post-Maidan Ukraine (2014-2020)” by Dudko, Yeliena, and Yvette Langenhuizen, Journal of Regional Security 17 (1): 25-48 (2022).
Abstract: Ukraine adopted its first National Action Plan (NAP) on UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security whilst facing an active military conflict on its territory. The country also invested in localising the Women, Peace and Security agenda through the development of regional and local action plans. Additionally, several ministries adopted sectoral action plans. This article looks at the context in which Ukraine developed its first NAP 1325 (post-Maidan) and assesses the NAP against global high impact NAP indicators. The authors then focus on connections between the national and regional/local-level plans and conclude that Ukraine’s first NAP did ‘trigger’ localisation initiatives in the form of Regional Action Plans (RAP) on UNSCR 1325, with Local Action Plans having been initiated via a separate track. A certain level of synergy was realised between initiatives stemming from these plans. The authors do, however, conclude untapped potential remains to further nurture, facilitate and support bottom-up Women, Peace and Security initiatives in Ukraine.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs17-33835
“Looking beyond rape and war: The need to take violence prevention seriously in Women, Peace and Security“, by López Castañeda, Diana, and Henri Myrttinen, Journal of Regional Security 17 (1): 49-64 (2022).
Abstract: In the two decades since its inception, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has arguably had its greatest impact in terms of opening up discussions on women in conflict, in opening up security sector institutions for women and in setting up new mechanisms to try to counter conflict-related sexual violence. While this is in many ways commendable, this has also led to the militarisation of WPS, a narrow focus only on particular forms of gender-based violence, and led to a disengagement with the overarching goal of preventing armed violence in the first place. It has also led to a false perception that WPS only relates to armed conflict. Furthermore, where WPS-related consultation and participation mechanisms have been set up, these are often side-lined in times of crisis. Drawing on experience from working on WPS issues in various contexts, we argue for a fundamental rethink of the approach to ‘prevention’ in WPS, for a strengthening of the ‘peace’ element of WPS, and for a closer linking of WPS with other agendas such as climate change response, disarmament, social inequality, corruption, broader gender equality and gender transformation for the agenda to go beyond ‘making war safe for women. ‘ These shifts need to be properly reflected in national and local implementation of WPS but also based on a more intersectional and comprehensive approach to gender.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs17-33715
“Caliphate women limbo and the action of the European Union” by Jiménez Sánchez, Carolina, Journal of Regional Security 17 (1): 65-82 (2022).
Abstract: Thousands of European women moved to the so-called Caliphate in Syria and Iraq over the past decade. Today, they are in legal limbo, waiting for a response at the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) detention camps in various zones. They took part in Daesh’s functioning, responding to the gender role the organisation gave to them. However, whether they have to be considered terrorists is unclear. Moreover, the counter-terrorist strategies put into practice by states and international organisations are gender-blind. Whether or not they have to be repatriated is controversial, and European countries are giving mixed responses. This article examines three arguments. First, whether the Caliphate women have to be considered terrorist foreign fighters. Second, if the EU is giving or not a gender perspective of counter-terrorist action concerning them. Finally, which would be the implications of the EU Comprehensive Approach for the WPS agenda and its member states? The article suggests that only a truly transformative feminist agenda would eliminate violent extremism in the world.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs17-33634
“Women as an emerging actor in peace and security: The impact of UNSCR 1325 in Albania” by Jusufi, Islam, Zenelaj Shehi Reina, and Vila Zeka Jubjana, Journal of Regional Security 17 (1): 111-40 (2022).
Abstract: Implementing the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) on Women, Peace, and Security in practice is emerging as a priority for Albanian security politics , in which the Government of Albania is endeavouring to act by increasing compliance with the norms promoted by the Resolution. This article reflects on the implementation of the UNSCR 1325 by focusing on the discourse on mainstreaming the women, peace and security norms in Albanian society. It finds that the UNSCR 1325 contributed to the increase of gender-related content in Albanian political, academic and civil society elite discourse, albeit selectively. Albanian political, academic and civil society actors appear to have been less responsive to the responsibilities of the UNSCR 1325, predictably due to the fact that Albania is not a conflict or post-conflict country, the status of which the Resolution primarily addresses. In conditions that Albania has been more responsive, the focus has been more on issues of gender equality in general rather than being guided by the specific norms of the UNSCR 1325.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs17-33425
