The Journal of Regional Security Special Collections is a curated thematic section that brings together selected articles from previous issues of the Journal of Regional Security into one easily accessible “virtual issue.” Designed as a dynamic reference point for readers, it gathers the most relevant scholarship on pressing contemporary security themes in a single place, making it easier to navigate the journal’s rich archive. Current collections include Crises and Conflicts, Theory, European Security, Western Balkans, Global Security, Security and Society, and Security and Development. In particular, the Security and Development collection brings together articles that examine the complex relationship between security dynamics and development processes, focusing on how conflict, governance, inequality, resilience, and international interventions shape pathways of peace, stability, and sustainable development.
“Forming connections between security sector reform and sustainable development: The potential of the human security paradigm” by Dursun Özkanca, Oya, and Luka Glušac. Journal of Regional Security 19 (1): 7-27 (2024).
Abstract: Many interlinkages already exist between security and development, despite the fact they traditionally maintained separate bodies of literature and compartmentalized presence in policymaking. This introductory article to the special issue seeks to provide guidance on how to bridge the gap between Security Sector Reform (SSR) and Sustainable Development Goals. It focuses on the nexus between the two concepts particularly SDG-16 devoted to effective, accountable and inclusive institutions. It argues that the human security paradigm provides the most rewarding approach for bridging the gap between these two, as it centres the focus on the human element of these two endeavours. It first provides an overview of the security-development nexus, followed by a discussion of the commonalities and differences between SSR and SDG-16 specifically, outlining how human security provides a better connection between the two. It concludes that the bottom-up and multistakeholder approaches of the human security paradigm and its context-specific perspective ensure that the SSR missions and attainment of the SDG-16 targets will be more effective and efficient.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs19-46819
“Scarcity and instability: Transforming societies through equitable distribution mechanisms” by Patel, Jaynisha, and Amanda Lucey, Journal of Regional Security 19 (1): 29-57 (2024).
Abstract: Under the framework of SDG 16, namely Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions, one key underexplored area of inclusion relates to the means of ensuring access to justice through the equitable governance of scarce resources, and mechanisms to promote equal and structural access to opportunities across society. This research sets out to answer the following questions across three case studies: (1) What is the relationship between critical or scarce resources and political conflict in the region under study?; (2) On what basis is the scarce or critical resource currently distributed within the region under study?; (3) What formal or informal governance mechanisms are in place to manage access to critical or scarce resources, and resolve conflicts created by it?; and (4) What improvements could be made to ensure more inclusive and equitable access to the distribution of this resource? The three proposed case studies, namely, Central Mali (land), Northeastern Kenya (water), and northern Mozambique (extraction and revenues of natural gas), have unique political and geographic features that are indivisible from peace and security. In each case, a blend of formal and informal mechanisms is used, but these often involve competing mandates, are guided by socioeconomic dynamics or are unenforced, potentially leading to different types of localised conflict. This paper argues that, in order to prevent conflict around the governance of natural resources, communities need to be involved in a blend of informal and formal governance mechanisms from the outset. While the exact nature of these governance mechanisms may differ according to the nature of the natural resource and its extraction, there is a need to move from top-down towards people-centred approaches. Moreover, there should be efforts to develop specific SDG 16 targets related to environmental governance.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs19-41648
“Climate security in the Northern Mediterranean: Threat scenarios and the prospects for resiliency” by Oculi, Neil, and Mark A. Boyer, Journal of Regional Security 18 (2): 163-86 (2023).
Abstract: Climate change is transforming everyday around the world. From how we live our daily lives to how we grow our food, where we can build our homes, and even how we protect ourselves and those we love, climate change is forcing us to reconsider long-held beliefs and habits. In this paper, we map and analyze four sea-level-rise (SLR) scenarios for countries in the Northern Mediterranean to explore numerically and visually increasingly likely climate threats to the region. We argue that climate change generates primary (direct), secondary and even tertiary impacts that indicate that securitization has occurred, even if some policy-makers choose to ignore that reality.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs18-36164
“Achilles steel?: Investigating corrosive capital in the Smederevo Železara privatization” by Ben, Reade, Journal of Regional Security 18 (2): 187-216 (2023).
Abstract: The term “corrosive capital” has become a popular phrase in Serbia and across the Western Balkans used to describe opaque and scandalous foreign investments that are believed to enable state capture. Particularly in Serbia, existing approaches to corrosive capital have certainly identified which investments are problematic. However, there is still a lack of understanding about which key actors are culpable for corrosive investments and the practices that enable them. Responsibility is often binarily assigned, either to the Vučić regime or non-Western actors. This paper, however, more rigidly explores the networked structures and practices that bring about corrosive capital. Through the development of an analytical framework and an investigation of the Smederevo Železara privatization, this paper argues that corrosive capital is a multi-level phenomenon enabled by interactions between various domestic and foreign actors that leads to state capture. This paper particularly notes how the combined effect of actions taken by Serbia, the EU, and the Chinese firm HBIS has facilitated corrosiveness with respect to the Železara privatization.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs18-45217
“The COVID-19 vaccines as extension of foreign policies by other means“, by Dokmanović, Mirjana, and Neven Cvetićanin, Journal of Regional Security 17 (2): 209-40 (2022).
Abstract: Existing knowledge of the geopolitics of public health and the coronavirus pandemic indicates that states, particularly the most powerful ones (the United States, China, Russia), have used the current global crisis to strengthen their influence worldwide, in line with their geopolitical, economic, and military aspirations. Geopoliticisation of the COVID-19 vaccines have not been explored so far. Based on the qualitative analysis of the media content and statistics on the vaccines’ distribution, this article makes two arguments. First, these vaccines have become an extension of foreign policy by other means. Second, geopoliticisation of the distribution of vaccine contributes to an instrumentalisation of the pandemic, raising global insecurity and the destabilisation of states and economies on the periphery and semi-periphery. Due to this new Cold War between the ‘vaccine superpowers’ , the world has become divided into Western and the Eastern ‘vaccine-blocs’. Within this context, the chances for multilateral cooperation to counter global threats are on a downward trajectory.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs17-32782
“Localisation of the UNSCR 1325 Agenda: Lessons from post-Maidan Ukraine (2014-2020)” by Dudko, Yeliena, and Yvette Langenhuize, Journal of Regional Security 17 (1): 25-48 (2022).
Abstract: Ukraine adopted its first National Action Plan (NAP) on UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security whilst facing an active military conflict on its territory. The country also invested in localising the Women, Peace and Security agenda through the development of regional and local action plans. Additionally, several ministries adopted sectoral action plans. This article looks at the context in which Ukraine developed its first NAP 1325 (post-Maidan) and assesses the NAP against global high impact NAP indicators. The authors then focus on connections between the national and regional/local-level plans and conclude that Ukraine’s first NAP did ‘trigger’ localisation initiatives in the form of Regional Action Plans (RAP) on UNSCR 1325, with Local Action Plans having been initiated via a separate track. A certain level of synergy was realised between initiatives stemming from these plans. The authors do, however, conclude untapped potential remains to further nurture, facilitate and support bottom-up Women, Peace and Security initiatives in Ukraine.
Link: https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs17-33835
“Challenging institutions: Getting goods or getting your own institution?” by Millard, Matt, Journal of Regional Security 11 (2): 111-22 (2016).
Abstract: I present a discussion of the current state of liberal internationalism as it relates to international organisations. I maintain that the literature focuses too much on liberal internationalism instead of non-liberal internationalism. This is problematic because non-liberal states are increasingly becoming important players in the international system, as is the case with Russia and China. I argue that non-liberal states have a variety of approaches in their dealings with international institutions that can enable them to maximise their net gains from institutions. These are: 1) keep using the liberal institution, 2) utilise institutional ala cartism (forum shopping), 3) create an anti-liberal institution, or 4) opt out of institutions altogether. Scholars and practitioners alike should acknowledge that international institutions can be a vehicle whereby non-liberal states maximise their power and diminish the power and influence of liberal states.
Link: https://doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995X162SPM71
